Perspectives/Energy & Policy/No. 04
Energy & Policy

What Santa Barbara County’s Oil Fight Is Really About

The local opposition to oil production has not changed. The geopolitical context around it has. That should change the conversation.

Santa Barbara County’s relationship with oil production is one of the most familiar fights in California environmental politics. It has been running, in various forms, since the 1969 Union Oil platform spill that helped launch the modern environmental movement. The local opposition is principled, well-organized, and unlikely to change its mind.

What has changed — and what most of the local conversation has not yet absorbed — is the geopolitical context in which California makes energy decisions.

A few facts worth stating plainly.

Fig. 01Where California's 1.8M bpd of refined product comes from
1.8M
barrels of refined petroleum products per day · 7th-largest economy in the world
58%
Foreign imports
Saudi · Iraq · Ecuador · others
24%
In-state production
Kern · offshore · declining
18%
Other domestic
Pipeline + rail from out-of-state
Directional breakdown. As in-state production has declined, the share of California’s refined petroleum coming from foreign sources has grown materially. The trajectory is one direction.

This is not a marginal issue. As in-state production has declined, the share of California’s refined petroleum coming from foreign sources has grown materially. The trajectory is one direction. The geopolitical risk associated with that trajectory is another.

The Iran conflict’s effect on global oil prices over the last several weeks is the latest reminder that California’s energy supply is not independent of events in the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, or the Russia-Ukraine border. When supply tightens globally, California pays. When the federal government’s relationship with major oil-producing nations shifts, California pays. When a tanker is delayed off the coast of West Africa, California pays — at the pump, in the cost of goods movement, in the price of nearly everything that touches a transportation network.

Two defensible positions.

There is a defensible position that says California should accept those costs as the price of being a climate leader, and that the answer is to electrify faster. That position has the virtue of internal consistency. It has the disadvantage of operating on a timeline that does not match the timeline of the geopolitical risks already in motion.

There is also a defensible position — and this is the one that gets less airtime in Santa Barbara — that says responsibly produced California oil is a better answer than imported oil produced under standards California would never permit. California’s oil industry operates under the strictest environmental, safety, and labor standards of any major oil-producing region in the world. A barrel produced in Kern County or off the Santa Barbara coast carries a smaller environmental and human cost than a barrel produced almost anywhere else.

A vote against local production is not a vote against oil consumption. It is a vote to source the oil from somewhere else.

The county-level conversation rarely engages with this comparison. It is treated as a red herring, or as oil-industry talking-point laundering. It is neither. It is the actual choice California is making, whether or not the conversation acknowledges it.

This is not an argument against the goals Santa Barbara County has set for its coastline. The county has every right to decide what happens within its borders, and the political and legal frameworks that govern that decision are the ones the county has built over five decades. Those frameworks are not going away.

It is an argument that the conversation needs to be honest about what it is actually choosing. The next decade of California energy policy will be more credible, and ultimately more effective, if the conversation is willing to say so out loud.

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